To comprehend as far as possible the actions and thoughts of the Syrian regime leader you have to travel back a long time before the uprising started. Up to the moment the revolution broke out Bashar al-Assad represented a rulership vastly cemented between the geostrategical blocks of international policy, equipped with a rampart father and founder Hafez al-Assad installed as insurmountable. The fact that Syrian citizens were randomly detained, arrested, tortured and murdered since the invention of the Baathist system because they didn't fit into the harsh ideological image or were abused as deterrence to intimidate the population sensed as latent insubordinate didn't change for a long time the world's lack of awareness relating to the human rights' violations. No one took notice of the suffering Syrian people.
While Hafez was regarded as system builder whose egomaniac target-orientated self-awareness illuminated an aura of natural given rigor Bashar slipped rather involuntarily onto the throne twelve years ago. His older brother's death by accident turned the eye doctor who became amongst others a respectably accepted part of not only London's elites into the crowned heir of a perfidious networked power apparatus. His higher hopes to go strong as modern reformist with the liability to the digital age fulminated fastly in between the daily routine to serve the perpetuation of that power apparatus.
With the Arab awakening whose origin spark flew in spring 2011 over the entire MENA region the Syrians felt their unique chance to rise against the presidential dictatorship. Small hesitant protests took place in the beginning, starting from the south of the country, often only a handful of courageous activists rallying around the house blocks and chanting the in the meantime historical slogan 'the people want the removal of the regime'. With the increasing number of both anti-regime protests and its participants ending without mass detentions or bloodshed the civilians' courage grew to brave the tyrant. But the regime-loyal security forces didn't wait long to reply on the people's demands. Very soon the first documents were uploaded confirming that the regime troops opened the fire without warning on unarmed protesters.
That what was estimated at that time as tragical average crackdown measure following the Arab Spring uprisings like in Yemen or Bahrain mutated during the past one and a half year to an adjusting screw of escalating oppression. The strategic direction of the regime's reply was from the first moment on clearly to identify: to guarantee the perpetuation of the dictatorial system month by month more civilian victims were calculated in the regime's self-declared battle against terrorism and foreign intervention. Just like his father who'd made a horrific example of power by mass-murdering insurgents and residents of Hama in 1982 Bashar al-Assad conducts until today the lethal crackdown referring to his hegemonial right of saving the own existence as potentate.
Extremely merciless self-conception
If Syria wouldn't be a nation but a family run business company Bashar al-Assad could be considered as junior principal enforcing the founder's last will with an iron fist. Not implicitly as brute as it was the faded patriarch's habit, more gentle, more moderate, more understated, just like the modern archetype of executive manager. His outward appearance is not really significant, accurately tailored suits, casual wear referred to his age and his rank are making him more exchangeable than eccentric. Not to forget that he's airing total control over his emotions, occasional laughter for example appears like part of a dramaturgical script and not of his natural mentality. To compare him with enigmatic autoritarian dictators like Muammar al-Ghaddafi or Jean-Bedel Bokassa is incorrect considering two main reasons: one is that Bashar al-Assad doesn't possess the extraverted egocentrism of the both overcome tyrants, the other that he represents the second generation of a hereditary dictatorship therefore not being counted among the dictatorial founders' circle.
The dynastic element of the Assad regime plays another important role reflecting the ruler's behavior. Above a cleverly elaborate spider web consisting of regular army and paramilitary security forces, the 'ghosts', of different intelligence branches and a net of informants thrones the Assad clan. Regarded from outside it can be perceived as distorted picture of a manor family: mother Anisa, born Makhlouf and former house maid before she married Hafez; her sons Bashar and the younger Maher, well-known for his flaring up temperament and his emotional immunity towards barbaric cruelties; daughter Bushra, reportedly fled to another country in the region because of a reported inner familiar quarrel about loyality .. without mentioning all the other characters in and around the presidential stronghold a pattern emerges remarkably reminding on the 80's US soaps Dallas or Denver. With the crucial difference that it was oil in the TV series being a tool to gain and maintain power and not the ruthless decimation of the own population.
Whatever might be interpreted analyzing Bashar al-Assad's personality structure, for undeniably sure is the fact that suppressing of the majority of the Syrians' individual rights was taught him by nurture. All of his actions rely solely upon his father's stalwart claim for power keeping the family on top of the tyranny. Flanked by the Iranian regime and the Lebanese Hezbollah Bashar al-Assad executes the Lex Hafez, the persecution of power at all costs.
And so it is far from astonishing that the international community expecting Assad's ability for compromises, be it the Arab League or the United Nations body, are banging their heads against a brickwall. All arguments to see reason and to move out of his titanic position, even only a few inches, are rolling off like water drops on a duck's plumage. Mediators, negotiators or special envoys struggling with efforts to solve the crisis stay unheard, their proposals unregistered, their offers trail away in the reception halls of the presidential palace. It verges already on negligent naivety further to believe in the tyrant's accomodation because of the calculated increasing of murdered civilians the regime's responsible for.
Concealing the actual vulnerability
However, this means not confessing to surrender in the light of the regime's power persecuting measures. The freedom striving Syrians have proved their ability of resilience necessary to resist against the unwanted totalitarian system. The influence of the regime-loyal forces are drastically decreased in certain parts of the country, army and shabeeha are focussing their units on strategic goals like Damascus, Aleppo and the coastal region whereas revolutionary hot spots like Homs become humiliated out of the regime's perspective by permanent attacks with heavy arms and the cutting of supply channels. Nevertheless the ruler's clan reminds picturing the self-knitted image being the real victims of an unleashed conspiracy infection invading the Assad-Syrian body and justifying excessive acts of reprisal against civilians doesnt matter what age without enlarging bloody details.
Without the dramatically increasing number of victims - for example air raids on crowds in front of a bakery in a densely populated neighboorhood - the tactics of the global community's observant faction could be thoroughly successful. The regime clan's splendid isolation exposes at once their Achilles heel: the family construct itself. Similar to the previously mentioned TV soaps the element of intrigue could develop middle-termed to the misadvantage of the Assads. A self-laceration of the regime's top would definitely become favored by the global community's representants releasing them from any form of intervention demanded.
But the continuing crimes against humanity devalue the reputance of global policy and international diplomacy day by day. Remarks of outrage appear as empty phrases, threats of tightening sanctions as helpless gestures. Still no one is taking notice of the suffering Syrian people. Still the Syrians are left alone with their struggle. And no one has to be surprized if they refused to deal with all geostrategical block leaders after finishing successfully their revolution.
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