Six Bullets. No Points.

Honestly, has anyone really believed that Bashar could or even would accept Kofi's half a dozen? Let's have a look on the bullet points the highest UN representative presented.

Talks between the opposition and the regime in an inclusive Syrian-led political process. The main problem is: where should they take place? In Syria it is too dangerous for the members of the SNC to take part, the regime might be cold-blooded enough to kill some of them blaming it on 'armed gangs' or 'terrorists'. And outside Syria Assad and his staff has to become not only neutrally spoken welcomed with handcuffs instead of handshakes. Dilemma.

A cease-fire and a troop withdrawal. How long is the clearminded global community demanding that now? This time, same content as usual, wrapped in a new proposal. Assad's answer on that might be like 'Generally we're accepting a cease-fire but the (imaginary) armed gangs have to stop first shooting' or 'Yes, we're accepting a cease fire and a troops withdrawal. But we decide when.'

Humanitarian assistance in areas affected by the fighting. Even it it is only for a few hours per day, just like a public service office opened from the moment no shootings or grenade hits will be heard until the next live fire continues. And if someone gets killed at humanitarian time the regime will comment it shrugging: 'Armed gangs.'

The release of those who have been arbitrarily detained. In what time period? Since the outbreak of the revolution? Since Hafez got in power? (I'm afraid some arbitrarily arrested are even after such a long period in prison if still alive.) Releasing them is too risky for the ruling elites. Instead of returning intimidated back to their families they will push the ultimate will for change the Syrians have fast forward.

Free access for journalists. For everyone keeping a press card in the pocket. Granting them the right to visit every place they like to see. Baba Amr for example. Idlib. Zabadani. Hama. All at the same time. Interviewing civilians whose kids were slaughtered in front of them by the regime forces. 'No way,' says Bashar, 'as next they wanna visit our bedroom in the presidential palace ..'

Respect for freedom and association and the right to demonstrate peacefully. Respect for freedom .. here it lacks enormous because the regime defines freedom exclusively as own freedom. And admitting the right to protest peacefully would blow the regime simply away because everyone could see then the real size of the ruling minority.

While Assad is still smiling and whistling 'I did it my way' the suffering but with an enormous power resisting Syrians and the watching methodless global majority of mankind are witnessing another fruitless attempt to negotiate with one who simply refuses to negotiate.

Peace Talks, Proxy Wars And Permanent Regime Crimes

Three main acting parties are participating in the Syrian tragedy.

The regime and his stuff of cronies and henchmen; the Syrian civilians, protesters and activists winged by the military branch of the FSA and the political one of the SNC; the global community definitely not deserving the title ,united‘.

The Assad bunch is behaving stubbornly like a mafia clan without honor, trying to break the will of the uprising population to treat them after a successful crackdown like business as usual in the same disgraceful manner like Hafez began. Regime tanks are blindly shelling everything around them, private properties, appartment blocks, shops, churches, mosques. In the meantime Bashar‘s devotees are orchestrating public appearances of their idol simulating a shiny happy world around the dynastic dictator. The attempt to illuminate a millions-for-Assad-effect fails having a close look. But this regime is even this lack of PR ignoring impertinently like they ignored each and everyone since the start of the revolution. The ghosts they unleashed are committing crimes against humanity beyond imagination. The whole orchestration of the despotic ruler‘s circle is the sprinke of farce in this extremely dark chapter of the human history.

On the other side the courageous Syrians are continuingly organizing anti-regime protests all over the land risking permanently their loss of life. Helping and supporting their traumatized fellows to flee from the raided areas. Coming closer together in their struggle against the one declared enemy, the regime. Led by the LCC‘s, the local coordination committees, a new generation of cleverness and creativity, awareness and compassion. Protected by the growing number of FSA and associated brigades. Keeping a critical eye on the political efforts the different opposition parties are taking not only to appear but to act united. Seeing their family members and friends dying, shot down on the street, beaten to death during detainment, tortured until the body capitulated.

Finally, the rest of the world. Divided in many different coalitions, blocking each other, starting proxy wars ,West vs East‘ or ,Republicans vs Democrats‘, being amazed by themselves sending such incredible strong signals like a small sanction here and a watered-down resolution there. And that all on the back of the suffering Syrian people. Kofi Annan‘s last comment on the report that the regime‘s accepting his peace plan (,This is going a long difficult task‘) sounds maccabre considering the daily average of civilian martyrs.

When one day in the distant future somebody‘s analyzing the chronicles of nowadays Syria situation comparing the flow of the political decisions token with the eyewitness reports and images a certain question might raise above all:

,How could it come so far?‘

And there‘s no prognosis if a convincing answer on that will be given in the retrospective.

Geiseln, Gaffer, Geiselnehmer

Viele Fachausdrücke kursieren derzeit, fabriziert vom breiten Spektrum der Beteiligten und Aussenstehenden, von den Aktivisten in den syrischen Strassen bis zu den selbsterkorenen politischen Experten: da hört man auf der einen Seite vom ,Zeitlupengenozid‘, während die anderen ihre mangelnde Kreativität hinter dem Sammelbegriff ,Bürgerkrieg‘ beziehungsweise ,bürgerkriegsähnliche Zustande‘ verbergen. Und der sich nicht in der Materie befindende Leser/Zuseher/Zuhörer wird eher verwirrt denn aufgeklärt durch die Flut an kursierenden Termini.

Man kann die existierenden Beschreibungen getrost vergessen. Es reicht, sich die grösste Geiselnahme in der Menschheitsgeschichte vorzustellen. Faktisch hält der Assad-Clan mehr als zwanzig Millionen Menschen in Geiselhaft. Praktisch von Geburt an haben die Syrer die Wahl, das Land so schnell wie möglich und dann auch wohl für immer zu verlassen oder stillschweigend die Willkür der herrschenden Minderheit zu tolerieren, bestehend aus einer Handvoll Familien und ihrem abgerichteten Anhang, bereit, in blinder Loyalität Verbrechen gegen die Menschheit zu begehen.

Als Bürger eines Landes hat man eigentlich ausser seinen Pflichten bestimmte Grundrechte, in manchen politischen Systemen mehr als in anderen, man kann seine Stimme in der Öffentlichkeit erheben, vom Demonstrationsrecht Gebrauch machen oder sich mit Gleichgesinnten zusammenschliessen. (Auf die möglichen Konsequenzen derartiger Aktionen möchte ich im einzelnen nicht näher eingehen, da sie wie bereits erwähnt von Land zu Land variieren.) Die Syrer haben nicht einmal die Möglichkeit, diese Grundrechte wahrzunehmen, ohne Verhaftung, Folter oder gar ihren sicheren Tod zu riskieren. Verschleppung, Erpressung, kollektive Bestrafung - der Katalog der regimeeigenen Grausamkeiten ist äusserst reichhaltig. Selbst nach geglückter Emigration ist man alles andere als auf der sicheren Seite. Der lange Arm des Regimes verfolgt seine Untertanen mithilfe der Botschaften und Konsulate im Falle zu laut geäusserter Kritik am heimischen autoritären Staatswesen. Allzu oft habe ich in den letzten Monaten den Satz vernommen: „Ich habe keine Angst um mich, ich habe Angst um meine Familienangehörigen, die noch in Syrien sind.“ Die Drohungen gegen die syrischen Emigranten sind nicht gerade subtil, im Gegenteil, meist sind sie recht direkt. Vergangene Woche habe ich einen jungen Deutsch-Syrer kennengelernt, Anfang zwanzig, auf den ersten Blick ein normaler junger Mann, wie man ihn in unseren Städten in den Clubs und Cafés jederzeit begegnet. Er erzählte mir, dass er ein paar Wochen in einem der berüchtigten Foltergefängnisse einsaß. Allein der Anblick seiner über die Arme verteilten Narben jagte mir Gänsehaut ein. Sein einziges ,Verbrechen‘ bestand darin, nicht konform mit der mörderischen Politik Assads zu gehen. Er war und ist kein Mitglied jener ominösen ,bewaffneten Banden‘, die Bashar bei jeder Gelegenheit erwähnt. Er war wie alle anderen Demonstranten unbewaffnet. Er ist lediglich eine der über zwanzig Millionen Geiseln, die um Hilfe rufen. Und er hat im Gegensatz zu vielen anderen Riesenglück, der Foltermaschinerie lebend entkommen zu sein und nun einigermassen Sicherheit hier in Europa zu geniessen. Einigermassen, da das Damoklesschwert der hier lebenden Assad-Anhänger über allen Köpfen schwebt.

Während die Worte des russischen Regimes noch in unseren Köpfen nachhallen - „Keine Einmischung bitte!“ - sollten wir uns alle dennoch fragen, ob jener dubiose Doppelstandard, der hier aufrechterhalten wird, weiters tolerierbar ist. Unter dem schützenden Dach der diplomatischen Immunität missachten die Shabiha (die ,Geister‘, ein spezieller Begriff für regimetreue und mehr oder minder gnadenlos vorgehende Syrer), egal, ob Botschafter selbst, deren Personal oder Hintermänner, nicht nur die Regeln und Gesetze anderer Länder, sie verstossen bewusst und willentlich dagegen.

Was die Weltgemeinschaft seit nunmehr einem Jahr zu sehen bekommt, ist der sowohl mutige als auch verzweifelte Versuch, die Geiselnehmer zu überwältigen - ausgehend von den Geiseln selbst, nicht erwartungsgemäß von einer gut ausgebildeten Spezialeinheit in Zusammenarbeit mit geschickt agierenden und psychologisch geschulten Verhandlungsführern. Es handelt sich hierbei um alles andere als einen typischen Hollywoodfilm mit vorgefertigtem Happy End. Es ist buchstäblich blutige Realität mit offenem Ausgang (obwohl der Widerstand gegen das Regime weiter wächst). Und anstelle der tapferen und entschlossenen Zivilbevölkerung in unterstützender Form zu Hilfe zu eilen, entfacht die globale Elite einen Stellvertreterkrieg bis in die höchsten Gremien der Vereinten Nationen, um sich der Verantwortung zu entziehen, aktiv für diejenigen zu werden, die im Moment am nötigsten Hilfe brauchen.

Eine Tragödie? Eine Schmach? Ein Desaster? Irgendwie alles zusammen. Allein der eiserne ungebrochene Wille der Syrer, Freiheit und Würde wiederzuerlangen und die Bereitschaft, dafür hohe Opfer zu erbringen, um den nachfolgenden Generationen ein besseres Leben zu ermöglichen, verspricht Erfolg auf den schleichenden, jedoch absehbaren Niedergang des Regimes. In den täglichen Nachrichten werden wir lediglich mit den nackten Zahlen ermordeter Zivilisten konfrontiert. Doch hinter jedem einzelnen Märtyrer steht ein menschliches Leben, das gewaltsam abrupt beendet wurde und eine trauernde Familie und geschockte Freunde und Bekannte hinterlässt.

Wenn die Revolution erfolgreich zu Ende geführt sein wird, brauchen die Mächtigen der Welt - egal aus welcher Ecke sie kommen - nicht zu glauben, dass sie in Dankbarkeit mit offenen Armen empfangen werden. Die freien Syrer werden sich genau überlegen, mit wem sie in Zukunft welche Kontakte pflegen nach allem, was sie allein bis heute allein ertragen mussten, während der Rest der globalen Elite gemütlich auf der sicheren Couch in den hinteren Reihen Platz genommen hat und neunmalklug kommentierend beobachtet, zusieht, wegschaut ..

The Gruesome And The Gathering

Many terms created by the whole spectrum from grassroots activists to self-claimed political experts are surrounding around the situation in Syria. From 'crimes against humanity' over 'orchestrated genocide' to 'civil war' - the last one is preferred mainly by those having no real idea what exactly is going on down on the ground - a shower of explanations is coming down daily via the global media.

Forget all those bloomy definitions. Simply imagine the biggest hostage-taking of the human history. To those objecting now with North Korea: that doesn't count because the overwhelming majority there is seriously affected with the Stockholm syndrome.

In earnest: The Assad clan is keeping more than twenty million people as hostages. Having only the choice between fleeing from their home country or accepting the arbitrariness of the Herrenmenschen acting in the name of their adored Fuehrer. No, I'm not exaggerating. As a citizen you have normally besides your obligations your basic rights. The Syrians don't have those rights. They've never had it as long as the supremacist dynasty rules. Detainment, blackmailing, collective punishment - the catalogue of cruelties is enormous. Even if you're able to leave the country you're all but in the safe haven. The regime embassies are tracking you in the case you raise the voice too loud against the juggernaut donkey. I've heard it so many times up till now: 'I'm not afraid about me. I'm afraid about my family members still being inside.' The threatenings aren't very subtle, in contrary, often they are very direct. Still having the Russian officials in our ears - 'no intervention please!' - we have to ask us if that dubious double standard is any longer tolerable. Under the umbrella of their diplomatic immunity the shabiha envoys are not only disrespecting the rules and laws of other countries, they're violating them more or less brazenly ice-cold calculating the dilemma most of the democratic nations are in: only with concrete pieces of evidence adequate measures can be taken against them. A clear abuse of the advanced juridical system. Contemporary organized crime includes not only the conventional branches arms, drugs and prostitution - shadow diplomacy is for sure a big challenge to handle nowadays.

What the world is witnessing now since more than one year is the desperate attempt to get rid of the hostage-takers - by the hostages themselves, not by some special units together with a handful of top negotiators, no. It's not a Hollywood movie with a pre-written happy end. It's literally bloody reality. And instead of supporting the courageous civilians the global elite of representatives is stage-managing a proxy war only to avoid taking responsibility for those more than urgently needing help.

A tragedy? A shame? A disaster? All of it. Only the iron will of the Syrians themselves for regaining freedom and dignity is granting the continuing decline of the regime sacrificing their lives for a better future their offspring deserves.

And when the day of the successful finishing of the revolution will be there the world leaders - doesn't matter if they're from East or West - should better not expect being welcomed in gratitude to exploit the proud Syrian people anew. Actions not token will neither be forgotten nor forgiven. The free Syrians will think more than twice with whom they get in touch in common after all they're enduring while the world is sitting on the cosy back bench watching and watching and watching ..

Kampf Gegen Assad / Kampf Für Syrien - 17.03.2012 - Singen

Wer sich mit der syrischen Gemeinde in Deutschland beschäftigt, wird bei einer Reise quer durch die Republik annähernd überall auf Angehörige des überaus liebenswerten und gastfreundlichen Volkes treffen. Nicht nur in den grossen Ballungszentren, in denen man sie am ehesten vermutet. Natürlich denkt man hauptsächlich an Berlin oder Frankfurt, doch alleine hier im Süden zähle ich neben München mittlerweile Syrer aus Augsburg, Nürnberg, Regensburg, Lindau, Konstanz und seit gestern auch Singen zu meinen Bekanntschaften, die ich, verbunden durch die Revolution in ihrer Heimat und den Wunsch nach Freiheit, in mein Herz geschlossen habe.

Als Gruppe Hutaaf Elhurriyyeh (Ruf nach Freiheit) brachen wir am Samstag vormittag bei frühlingshaften, fast schon frühsommerlichen Bedingungen Richtung Bodensee auf. Die wärmespendende Sonne liess die noch von weissen Schneefeldern bedeckten Berge südlich von Lindau aufblitzen, auf den Strassen waren zum ersten Mal viele Cabrios zu sehen, das sich ankündigende Ende des Winters erschien fast schon wie eine Allegorie auf die aktuellen politischen Verhältnisse, die uns seit nunmehr einem Jahr in Atem halten.

Bei der Informations- und Spendenveranstaltung waren ebenfalls in der Schweiz ansässige Syrer zugegen, die am heutigen Sonntag ihren Event zu Ehren der Jahrestage der Revolution in Zürich abhalten. Nach der Präsentation eines ARTE-Beitrags, in dem syrische Aktivisten vor Ort zu Worte kamen und ihre persönlichen Eindrücke zur Begleitung ausgewählter Youtube-Videos vermittelten, wurde eine Skype-Schaltung in die Vereinigten Staaten errichtet, um ein ausführliches Gespräch mit einem der führenden Aktivisten im Exil, Mohammed al-Abdallah, zu führen. Detailliert erklärte er den Zuhörern die Komplexität der Geschehnisse und der aktuellen Umstände, die immer deutlicher auf einen absehbaren Niedergang des Assad-Regimes hinweisen. Auch wenn die internationale Politik mehr ohnmächtig denn aktiv dem Ganzen gegenüberstehen mag, der Funke, der damals über die als unüberwindbar empfundenen Mauern rund um Syrien flog, glüht heute stärker denn je, ohne jenen vom Regime proklamierten Flächenbrand von ethnischen und religiösen Spannungen oder allgemeinem Chaos entzündet zu haben. Natürlich ist die Lage in vielen Teilen des Landes aufgrund der von den Regimekräften verursachten mehr als unverhältnismässigen Gewalt gegen die Zivilbevölkerung durchaus prekär, doch der Wille, das faschistoide Herrschaftssystem des Assad-Clans und seiner Anhängerschaft zu beenden, ist bis zum heutigen Tag ungebrochen. Täglich erfahren wir von neuen Desertationen, die den Machtapparat kontinuierlich aushöhlen.

Daher bilden Spendengalas und Charitysammlungen eine wichtige Komponente zur solidarischen Unterstützung derer, die keinem geregelten Lebensablauf mehr nachgehen können oder in einem der in den Grenzländern liegenden Flüchtlingscamps Schutz suchen mussten. Auch auf dieser Veranstaltung wurde Geld gesammelt, das direkt zu denen geht, die bedürftig sind. Jene Skeptiker seien darauf verwiesen, dass es alles andere als ein blosser Tropfen auf den heissen Stein ist, eher im Gegenteil: die privaten Wohltätigkeitsaktionen bilden den Unterbau einer sich selbst organisierenden Solidargemeinschaft, die in Zeiten der Not Menschlichkeit beweist. Auf diesem Fundament lässt sich nach Überwindung der Krisen und Probleme eine intakte Zivilgesellschaft errichten.

Unsere Performance als Hutaaf Elhurriyyeh bildete den Abschluss der Singener Veranstaltung, die ich stellvertretend für viele andere ähnliche Events hier beschreibe. Es sollen ja nicht allein die Bilder von emotional engagierten Protesten in den Strassen in der Erinnerung bleiben. Das Gesamtbild eines Volkes, das den Mut zur Veränderung wahrgenommen hat, umfasst viele Facetten, die Melodie der Revolution besteht eben nicht nur aus lauten, sondern auch aus leisen Tönen und auch aus Zäsuren. Einem dieser leiseren Töne, die die Harmonie der Komposition entscheidend mittragen, durfte ich an diesem Samstagnachmittag beiwohnen.

Mar15 Diary

After all the preps of the last days - felt even like weeks - the magic date finally arrived waking up with only a few hours sleep on a sun-shiny morning. Weather conditions forecast was very precise, an important footnote for the planned activities promising a huge participation. A last look in my map - my habibi Omar taught me always to carry one with ready written speeches, battle rhymes etc - and answering myself the final crucial questions (Banners are ready? Flyer not forgotten? Carry somithing to drink with you leaving for a longer time the house mom always told ..) I was in the mood to rally: the last events I‘d had always a problem speaking or shouting not loud enough so I decided for myself to raise my voice this time as much as I can.

One hour before the official begin we reached the starting place. A lot of residents and tourists strolled around the area enjoying each second in the warming spring sun. Meanwhile becoming normality that the people think I must also be Syrian (not difficult to understand, wrapped in the revo flag) some were slowening their walk, watching curiously and receiving the info cards I carried the whole time with me. I admittedly supposed that the public interest would not be so huge and therefore I was really surprised from the awareness of many of my fellows (appreciating it really and being kind of proud on them even if they could or would not participate on the rally itself, the protest culture here is not compatible for example to the French one).

More ans more Syrians arrived, not only from Munich, it appeared that the whole Southeast was represented on this special day. Banners, flags, plates, balloons - a multicolored impression accompanied by a handful of Brazilian drummers and - what made me personally glad to meet finally some of them - a group of Libyan thuwwar who are for medical treatment here in Germany and fit enough to walk with us through the city. Besides the Syrian revo flag I really love the Libyan colors, it‘s a wonderful flag containing also for me so much memories of the glorious freedom fight against the lunatic brother leader (who is now where he belongs: six feet under).

 The protest march started on time becoming soon wonderful noisy (sometimes I had the feeling they must hear us even in Damascus) and powerful. Can‘t remember all the different chants and slogans but the two words I‘ve heard most were 7orriye and azzizi, freedom in Arab and Kurd. As a small hommage to the Syrian revolution hero Ibrahim Qashoosh - peace be upon his soul - we contributed a special battle rhyme chant integrating his legendary text lines. I tried to to my best during the lead chant raising my voice via the megaphone as high as I could - with the result that I‘ve later lost my voice completely (while I‘m sitting here writing  I have a pot of hot tea near me, maybe it‘ll help a bit and I‘m very exited how I‘ll sound tomorrow in the morning). The whole atmosphere was all but heatened up in an aggressive manner, au contraire. Most of the Syrians I watched had that certain powerful glance in their eyes, no signs of resignation or so, you could nearly touch physically the point of no return in a positive manner: in earlier times the people were afraid of their regimes, but today the regimes are becoming afraid of their people (I‘ve borrowed the last words from the Tunisian writer Kawthar al-Tabii, credits in gratitude to her).

 Looking around I realized in one moment the privilege we had not being threatened by rude police guards or becoming targets of rooftop snipers - no, it‘s not too abstract to realize that being now since one year confronted with uploaded videos documenting exactly that state of insecurity. Well, it might be abstract for the inhabitants of the civilized democracies where live gunfire in that form simply doesn‘t exist, yes. But in fact, no snipers, no shabi7a-style bullies, no men7ebbak. I really hope the Syrians inside their country will soon face similar conditions in the streets and on the places.

 The rally convoy reached after aproximately one hour the destination place where the chants and shouts still continued. It was almost impossible to hold some speeches or stuff like that due to the everlasting chorus of some hundreds voices but that didn‘t really matter because of the vivid power all participants contributed at that time. Marvellous would describe it the best way because from the former inner wall of fear seemed not even a small brick left. If someone might have raised the question ,wen al-wa7da al-watania?‘, where is the national unity, I had to answer in that moment: well, exactly here it is. Arabs and Kurds, Sunnis, Alawis and Christians shouting together for their main demand - to get rid of the bloodshed causing regime.

 Suddenly I noticed a young guy, apparently in the beginning of the twenties, we met each other at the beginning of the rally when he introduced himself as Sami, looking like an average mate you would expect to see merely here in our regions and not combine him with being Syrian-rooted, becoming overwhelmed by his emotions. For me that was the momentum of the whole event. Lots of scars I saw on his arms and I remembered that he told me being arrested while he was in Syria. I‘s always different to witness signs of torture someone has in reality than being reported or documented in a footage. That moment touched me deeply. Strengtened by the impression that Sami reminded me on someone I met two years ago, a Bosnian, same age, almost same type. The empathic bridge was build. But I didn‘t confront him with insisting questions about the details of his detainment (I know, that was disqualifying me for the final exams in investigating journalism but I really hadn‘t that intention in that moment, believe me!), I only felt for him, from human being to human being honestly admiring the public expression of his feelings. I‘m sure if you‘ll ask me in ten or twenty years what will be remaining in my personal memory of the Syrian revolution this moment will belong to it. Sami‘s life story is his own property and I have not the right to take it from him unless he explicitly allows me to. He shared with me only a short close look which was strong enough to become eternal in my emotional memory and I‘m deeply grateful for that.

Later the evening, at the reading hold by the Syrian poet Fwaz al-Kadri and the above mentioned Tunisian writer, many of the rally participants sat together listening to really impressing poems and novel extracts around the Arab Spring last year and the situation in Syria in special. Strong images and inspiring metaphors and allegories transported not only the actual uprisings but also the general goals many generations before us were dealing with: freedom and human dignity. All in all it was a memorable day leaving supposedly not only me back with the expectation of March 15 next year when - I‘m totally sure of that - Assad and with him hopefully a lot of other dictators worldwide will be a closed chapter in history not being replaced by new tyrants ..

Opinion: Who Is United?

After examining having reached a certain point of no return, the one striving for for the regain of freedom, justice and dignity, I‘ll have an explicit look on the Achilles‘ heel locating at the actual point:

Wa7eda.

Unity.

Still witnessing it on the ground during the anti-regime rallies and in existing resistance groups I‘m missing the general huge reply on the ongoing campaigns trying to dismantle the opposition by declaring them simply as not being united. A serious situation, and please understand my words not as an accusation not being able to maintain this unity but as a loud call of my own thoughts towards defending this unity, fighting for this unity.

I‘m not in the endangered position inside Syria down on the ground expecting each moment a deadly strike of the regime forces or getting caught and arrested  and tortured to death in the worst case. I‘m not in the position of those Syrian expats worldwide organizing themselves, discussing about possibilities to engage by spending their time and creativity or donating for their fellows or getting active to raise the needed awareness among the global community. I‘m not a native Syrian (well, in my heart I‘ve become one even if I‘m only nearly one year old).

Wen wa7eda?

Where is the unity?

I‘m sure almost everyone is keeping it inside if it goes about the one common goal, regaining freedom. But on the lower levels it is almost endangered by certain aspects of interests. Again, don‘t take it as an insult or an offensive approach of paternalization, at maximum it is a thought-provoking thought refering to the necessity of realizing problems and beginning to solve them. Those interests are natural, different groups mean different points of view due to the details of a common existence. Even in the idolized democracies the different interest groups are battling each other in a political way under the common roof of a main law which grants not getting killed for a personal opinion. And because those kind of interests are substructured details they have to be kept under the one main goal as long as it is not reached or fulfilled.

I don‘t know why the reports and releases are tending in the meantime towards the image of a fragmented opposition, I can only propose why it is so: maybe it is a kind of mirror the global coalition being self deeply fragmented is holding in its‘ hands. Maybe this view is being forced by the so-called ,territory gains‘ of Assad‘s troops - which are in reality murderous occupations. Both stances would be a kind of daggerstab in the back of the revolution committed by those all the hopes for support were invested in. Or maybe - what I really not hope or even want to believe - because there is in fact a kind of lack of unity. Every Syrian striving for freedom and a nation without Assad has to ask him- or herself now if the revolutionary unity is strong enough to withstand the wave of doubts now swallowed over the movement -we all know who‘s the only one profitting from a lack of unity among the revolutionaries and we don‘t want him and his cronies taking over.

Min wa7ed?

Who is united?

An essential question for all, from the individual to the smaller and the bigger groups to the whole movement. I‘m expecting a very loud shoutout in the next time so the whole world will hear it:

Asha7b issouri wa7ed!

The Syrian people are one.

To all those doubting on the unity by giving them the right and only answer.

Meinung: Wer Ist Geeint?

An dieser Stelle ein genauerer Blick auf die Achillesferse der Revolution:

Wa7eda.

Einheit.

Ich nehme sie unverändert wahr beim Betrachten der Demonstrationen jener zutiefst Entschlossener im Land, deren Bilder nun tagtäglich hochgeladen werden, genauso in den diversen Gruppen, Vereinigungen und Komitees, die damit beschäftigt sind, für den nötigen Überbau zu sorgen. Doch vermisse ich derzeit den lauten selbstbewussten Aufschrei gegen das plötzlich in den westlichen Medien kolportierte Bild der Unorganisiertheit, ja der Zersplitterung der oppositionellen Kräfte. Das ist eine sehr ernstzunehmende Angelegenheit, da sie den Kern der Verwundbarkeit trifft. Man möge mich bitte jetzt nicht falsch interpretieren, das ist kein Vorwurf, der in denselben Chor der Zweifler einstimmt, sondern ein lauter Aufruf meinerseits, der daran appellieren soll, für die Einheit einzugestehen, indem man die Stimme erhebt und so dafür kämpft.

Ich bin nicht in der prekären Lage derer, die innerhalb Syriens ihr Leben für die Freiheit aufs Spiel setzen und jeden Moment einen mörderischen Präzisionsschlag der Regimekräfte oder ihre Verhaftung und damit schlimmstenfalls tödliche Folter zu befürchten haben. Ich bin nicht in der halbwegs sicheren Position der Exilsyrer, die sich in ihren Gastgeberländern, von denen einige zur zweiten Heimat wurden, organisieren und ihrerseits versuchen, Möglichkeiten der Unterstützung für ihre Landsleute zu finden, sei es durch die Investition von Zeit und Kreativität, durch Spendenaktionen oder dadurch, mehr nötige Aufmerksamkeit in der Welt für das Freiheitsstreben zu erlangen. Ich bin nicht einmal syrischer Abstammung (obwohl ich es in meinem Herzen geworden bin und demnächst so betrachtet auch ein Jahr alt werde).

Wen wa7eda?

Wo ist die Einheit?

Ich bin mir sicher, jeder trägt sie in sich wenn es um das eine gemeinsame Ziel geht, die Freiheit wiederzuerlangen. Auf den unteren Ebenen jedoch ist sie in jedem Fall durch die Priorisierung untergeordneter Interessen gefährdet. Noch einmal möchte ich in aller gebotenen Deutlichkeit darauf hinweisen, meine Worte nicht als Angriff, als Beleidigung oder gar als Bevormundung aufzufassen, sondern als gedankenprovozierende Gedanken, die auf ein Problem hinweisen sollen, das es zu lösen gilt, bevor es unlösbar wird. Besagte Interessen sind eine natürliche Begleiterscheinung, wenn es darum geht, verschiedene Gruppen salopp formuliert unter einen Hut zu bringen. Selbst in den Vorbilddemokratien streiten sich permanent die verschiedenen Interessensgruppen um die Vorherrschaft, allerdings unter dem Dach eines anfangs verabschiedeten Grundgesetzes, das es ausdrücklich verbietet, jedwede Form von Meinungsverschiedenheit mit Waffengewalt auszutragen. Und da derartige Interessen nunmal untergeordnet sind, sollten sie auch als solche behandelt werden, solange das Hauptziel, die Wiedererlangung der Freiheit, noch nicht erreicht ist.

Ich weiss nicht, warum die aktuelle Berichterstattung auf einmal den Focus auf eine ihrer Einschätzung nach ,zersplitterte Opposition‘ richtet. Ich kann nur Vermutungen anstellen: vielleicht, weil die selbst alles andere als einheitliche Weltgemeinschaft ihr eigenes Spiegelbild auf die Freiheitsbewegung projiziert. Vielleicht, weil sie sich von Assads sogenannten ,Gebietsgewinnen‘ - die in Wirklichkeit nichts anderes als mörderische Okkupationen sind - blenden lässt. Beide Erklärungen wären einem Dolchstoß in den Rücken der Revolutionsbewegung gleich, begangen von jenen, denen man vertraut und in die man die Hoffnung auf Unterstützung gesetzt hat. Oder vielleicht - was ich unter keinen Umständen annehmen oder gar glauben möchte - weil es tatsächlich jenen Mangel an Einheit derzeit gibt. Jeder Syrer, der nach Freiheit und einer Nation ohne Assad strebt, sollte sich daher die berechtigte Frage stellen, ob die revolutionäre Einheit stark genug ist, dieser Welle des Zweifels zu widerstehen - wir alle wissen wohl, wer der wahre Profiteur der Uneinigkeit unter den revolutionären Kräften ist und keiner von uns möchte, dass er und seine Vasallen den Sieg forttragen.

Min wa7ed?

Wer ist geeint?

Mehr als eine Grundsatzfrage für jeden, vom Einzelnen über die kleinen und grösseren Gruppierungen hin zur gesamten Bewegung. Ich für meinen Teil erwarte in nächster Zeit einen unüberhörbaren vielstimmigen Aufschrei, den die ganze Welt vernehmen wird:

Asha7b issouri wa7ed!

Das syrische Volk ist eins!

Und zwar im Kampf für Freiheit, Gerechtigkeit und Würde. Gerichtet an all jene Zweifler da draussen als einzig wahre Antwort.

Opinion: The Point Of No Return

It would be impudent claiming that everyone will face during his or her life a point of no return. Some of us always keep one or more doors open to slip back into the cosy being of the former state of existence exploring new fields and terrains.

When is a point of no return reached? If a situation has become unbearable for example. Circumstances might be far-spread: in the individual case a broken friendship or relation or a dead end road in the job. In the collective case a common goal of crucial change, be it for better workplace situations leaving the general strike as ultimate matter or be it for basic rights raising the voices publicly or taking otherwise action.

Let's go one step further: in the case of demanding freedom and the removal of the existing regime there is also a point of no return reached if those requesting it face deadly crackdown measures or fear lethal revenge. If the opposite side is willing to eliminate even those being under a cloud of rising up. If those who've decided to defect from a system of random injustice know that they can never go back - because the ones they'd left for the the right cause will never forgive them hunting them until the end of their days. That's truly a point of no return.

It is obvious that I refer with the last break to the Syrian freedom movement. All participants, from the rally joiners to the Free Syrian Army soldiers are in the meantime beyond the point of no return because there are no doors anymore for a way back. And it's not their fault as some might estimate by a first look at the surface of the matter. No, it's the full responsibility of the regime and its' cronies simply ignoring since nearly a year now any form of ceasefire, continuously murdering unarmed civilians.

The regime has reached its' personal point of no return refusing to stop the violence. And the revolutionary movement refuses in reaction to end the call for freedom. This is not about calling for NATO intervention or demanding any kind of help. This is not about any measures necessary to be taken - there are a lot of theories and discussions circulating but no one has found up to now the philosopher's stone. This is only about visualizing the roots. In this special case the irrevocable loss of faith in the dictatorship's ability to negotiate nonviolent proceeding.

Asking for any kind of dialog is not only utopian, it is most of all disrespecting all the civilian martyrs of this revolution. 'Never trust the hand that beats you.' The spark of freedom wavering one year ago over the iron Baath curtain has become a flame shining brightly now over the borders. The dark forces want to blow them out because they're not able to stand that kind of light but with the time they will fail. That's the positive message. The only drop of bitterness is the total amount of innocent martyrs until the freedom movement will have won.

Besetzt! (die Zwote)

„Denk‘ ich an Deutschland in der Nacht, so ward ich um den Schlaf gebracht.“

Im Gegensatz zu Heine, der in seinen ,Nachtgedanken‘ die Sehnsucht pries, allerdings eher aus Sorge, Unverständnis und Zorn. Viele in der Republik schütteln derzeit den Kopf über das Auftreten führender Politiker bis in die höchste Staatsspitze hinein. Ecken- und kantenlos, von den Beratern und der Parteilinie perfekt glattgeschliffen, perlen die Vorwürfe über die begangenen Verfehlungen an ihnen ab wie Wassertropfen auf einer Glasoberfläche im Windkanal. Leider wird bei diesem Verfahren der Repräsentantenveredelung auch der Charakter entgratet, was zu dem Anstieg an Fahrlässigkeiten, Unverschämtheiten, geradezu Dreistigkeiten geführt hat.

Wo ist der Volksvertreter mit robustem, ehrlichen Auftreten geblieben, der noch bis Ende der Achtziger das parlamentarische Bild dominierte? Der in der Lage war, im entscheidenden Moment resolut genug aufzutreten?

Die Debatten der damaligen Zeit waren allein schon aufgrund ihrer Leidenschaft, mit der sie geführt wurden, von um ein Vielfaches höherem Unterhaltungswert als das, was da heute geboten ist. Soll jetzt nicht generell heissen, dass früher alles besser war. Das, was sich da in den höheren Etagen der Entscheidungsträgerlandschaft etabliert hat, repräsentiert in immer geringerem Maße die Bevölkerung, obwohl es ja deren eigentlicher Auftrag ist. Nicht umsonst ist das gefühlte und artikulierte Verhältnis von diesen da unten zu jenen da oben 99:1.

Was allerdings bei näherer Betrachtung nicht so ganz hinhaut. Vor und hinter dem 1% steht quasi zum Schutz und aus Eigeninteresse je nach Nation zwischen 5% und 25% als Puffer zwischen diesen und jenen, die aus unterschiedlichsten Ursachen in unterschiedlichsten Formen der Minorität dienen und zuarbeiten. Dennoch sind mindestens drei von vier Einwohnern zumindest empört über und damit beschäftigt mit den real existierenden Missständen.

Was die Führungseliten allerdings herzhaft wenig schert, da es ja schon längst nicht mehr um das Allgemeinwohl geht, sondern um den impertinenten Akt der Bereicherung. Der allein schon dadurch vollzogen wird, dass man sich mit sturer Konsequenz der Verantwortung entzieht, selbst wenn eine durch Prestigegier forcierte Fehlentscheidung zu mehreren Toten geführt hat. In dem Fall bereichern sich die Delinquenten an gewonnener Zeit, nicht für ihre Taten belangt werden zu können.

Was genau so für die erschlichene Zeit zwischen den Urnengängen gilt. Wo ehemals siegreich angetreten wurde, um dem unterlegenen Kontrahenten, der sich mit der Rolle der Opposition abzugeben hatte, durch Entscheidungen den Schneid abzukaufen und sich die Wählergunst für die nächste Legislaturperiode zu sichern, steht heute die Nicht-Entscheidung im Vordergrund politisch-strategischer Vorgehensweisen. Als ob man den like-Button auf Facebook konsequent verweigert. Kommentieren ja, Handeln nein. Von Wehner bis Strauss würden alle heute nur noch ungläubig ihre Köpfe schütteln angesichts der unmarkanten Erscheinungen da draussen in der grossen weiten Welt des Regierens.

Tja, wo ist er denn nun geblieben, der sicher auftretende, selbstbewusste Wortführer?

Wie? Ach ja, ich vergass ja ganz, dass mit der Welle der platten Populisten das forsche Auftreten aus der Agenda der politischen Korrektheit gestrichen wurde. Natürlich. Und die, die wir heute forsch auftreten sehen, sind nicht unbedingt für ihre Selbstlosigkeit bekannt. Siehe Alexander Lukashenko in Weissrussland. Das Selbstlose ist es nämlich, was den meisten Entscheidungsträgern abhanden gekommen ist, nahtlos ersetzt durch den Trieb der Selbstbereicherung und das Selbstverständnis, damit nicht nur durchzukommen, sondern auch noch dafür mehr oder minder offen bewundert zu werden.

Willkommen in der Eingangshalle des Nepotismus. Jahrelang mit dem vorwurfsvollem Finger auf Berlusconi & Co. zeigen und selber der angeprangerten Geisteshaltung Tür und Tor zu öffnen.

Blöd nur, dass der Bürger beginnt, diese ganzen Zusammenhänge immer bewusster wahrzunehmen und auf das A(campa) und O(ccupy) der aktiven Neuzeit zu setzen, nämlich von der Empörung bis zum zivilen Ungehorsam sein Recht auf Ausdrucksfreiheit wahrzunehmen. Es ist noch ein weiter Weg bis zur erfolgreichen Entfilzung in den angesprochenen Etagen, doch der Weg dahin wird kontinuierlich geebnet.

One Year Call For Freedom - a very personal view

About two weeks until Mar15, time for a summary due to the anniversary of the Syrian revolution. The incredible amount of mainly dramatic events from Idleb in The North to Deraa in the South, from Lattakia in the West to Deir Ezzor in the East up to now would fill without problems a whole book for sure.

How has it all begun? A handful of teeners, inspired from the Arab Spring awakening in the neighbor countries, sprayed some graffitis on the houses and walls in Deraa and got arrested for that. Well, in the so-called civilized Western hemisphere the boys might have faced a similar fate in the case of getting caught from the police but we‘re talking here about Syria, the land where the mafia-like organized clans around the Assad dynasty on the top installed the last nearly five decades a complex system of surveillance and random arrest up to lethal torture measures during interrogations or in the worst case just for fun.

It were the family members of the arrested kids going protesting on the streets and becoming arrested as next. At that time the regime might have mildly smiled about the attempts of a few to demand publicly freedom and dignity but the spark flew very quick over the whole country, more villages and cities witnessed protest marches, not as huge as we saw them for example in Hama early summer where hundreds of thousands participated but somehow enough to disturb the ruling elites strengthening as a result the crackdown order. especially after the 13 year old Hamza al-Katheeb became the first martyr symbolizing the inhumanity of the regime.

As a reminder: in Tunisia it was Mohammed Bouazizi who‘d set not only himself on fire in Dec 2010 as an ultimate sign of protest against his forced unemployment inciting but also the eruptive revolt against the former president Ben Ali. In Egypt the blogger Khaled Said who died under more than suspicious circumstances after getting arrested in June 2010 became a symbol of the uprising against the crusted Mubarak regime apparatus. And with Mo Nabbous‘ early death caused by Gaddafi‘s security forces unified the Libyans in their finally successful resistance against the most eccentric of all the despots. For us not being grown up in the Islamic culture circle it is hard to understand what eminent symbolic character those martyrs are having for the revolutionary movements in the Middle East/North African region.

I think it‘s time to explain here and now how I became connected with the Syrian revolution. Beginning writing and posting on Twitter and Blogspot I first got in contact with the Yemeni revolution against their stubborn and impertinent ruler Abdullah Ali Saleh. Mostly I was touched by the images of Sanaa and Taiz showing young people and women orchestrating really peaceful protests against the unwanted regime. But the answer of this regime was - to be expected - excessive violence. At that time only a few videos with graphic content circulated in the web as it is today most of all in the case of Syria but the descriptions of the Yemeni tweeps inside stuck between hour-long live gunfire and heavy artillery bombings shifted the global awareness a bit direction KSA‘s Southern neighbor.  I tried to do my best retweeting, posting and sharing the occurences in one of the world‘s poorest countries with my growing Twitter community and my mail contacts here at home. The last mentioned reacted by the way not in my expected impact rate - not a reproach, everyone has for him- or herself to decide it and how much awareness he or she is ready to invest in the good cause for freedom and justice in other parts of the world but somehow I was a bit disappointed I must admit. On the other side my microblogging site‘s follower circle filled more and more with really exciting new people. After the Yemenis I got in contact with the Libyan online freedom fighters tweeting very self-confident for the liberation and keeping me from the first moment attracted. The Arab Spring spark incited me positively becoming the so-called Benghazi fever - the hotspot and starting point of the glorious resistance against ,brother leader‘. Among the thuwwar there were also many Syrians, most of them expats but a few were tweeting from inside Syria. My first Syrian online contact was a young guy from Damascus who‘ll stay anonymous here oit of security reasons for him and for his family bearing the risk of getting arrested by the regime forces or the intelligence. Like we all he tweeted passionately in powerful terms against the tyrants of the Arab world including his own president what I paid with a lot of respect. We‘re both deeply connected through our faith, he as a Sunni, I with my Lutheranian background. A central pillar of our religious attitude is the tolerance for each others‘ faith, respecting the values of both holy books, the New Testament as well as the Holy Quran. I‘m mentioning those details with the main reason to explain my personal motives being connected with the people of the Arab Islamic world. One day my Syrian brother in spirit shared with me a Youtube link: a smaller group of protesters met at the end of a street in the Damascus suburbs a unit of armed security forces. They‘d targeted the young men with their guns in two rows, one kneeing, one standing behind. The guys were emotionally discussing and the mobile camera operator moved preventively behind a huge trash bin as one of the protesters went with raised arms and opened hands as a gesture of being unarmed towards the soldiers. In that moment the uniformed opened the fire. the recording became shaky when the young protesters began suddenly to run for their lives, two or three of them were carrying a brother getting hit by a bullet. Shocked and speechless I witnessed the dramatic footage. Never before I had seen such images. The same day my mate shared with me another Youtube link, this time containing images of a young man lying on the tiled ground of a side entrance, eyes wide opened, above his left ear a huge bullet hole in the head, bleeding heavily. With an injury like that he had no chances to survive. Next to him sat another protester who had luck not being shot or otherwise hurt telling direction of the camera on Arabic of the gunfire the soldiers had opened at them. Then he put two fingers of his right hand into his friend‘s blood and wrote place and actual date with it on the floor to show everyone who sees this video that this really had happened even if the regime would deny it. Both videos became my personal tipping point joining from that time on avec coeur the Syrian revolution. One single moment can change your whole life. In my case it were two single moments being eternally branded in my own memory.

The freedom movement was continuing to protest against the regime and to demand from the world more support during the late spring and the beginning summer. As bitter as it might sound now but we were getting used to the daily one or two dozen martyrs reported still hoping for more effective measures of the international community to stop the bloodshed the regime forces were causing. But the Western alliance was itself busy at that time assisting the freedom fighters in Libya as decided on the UN resolution No.1973 and having with that a general excuse for not engaging at the same time in another region. Meanwhile I was getting in contact with Syrian expats here in Bavaria who started rallies in solidarity with their protesting fellows inside their native country. Straight at the first rally one of the participants showed me two sinister looking men standing a bit offside from the event and taking pictures of the people: pro-regimers. Supposedly ordered directly by the Syrian embassy in Berlin. Mentioning as edgy detail that one of them reportedly might be a diplomatic employee of the group expelled from Germany a few weeks ago. So they had from the beginning on even a photo of me .. considering that I performed later on different other rallies publicly holding speeches and chanting against the regime .. anyway. Ibrahim Qashoosh‘s ,Yalla Ir7al ya Bashar‘ (Leave, Bashar!) became the alternative Syrian national anthem, while his creator had to pay a high price for that. The regime killers didn‘t only cut his throat, they‘d also removed his larynx as a sign to all the others that they risk getting similar treated if they also insult the president. But the planned deterrence turned into the opposite. Qashoosh became known far over the Syrian borders and appreciated by other artists worldwide in different expressions. I‘d never really expected to become myself one of them performing his song in origin language shouting the refrain through a megaphone during one of the rallies last summer. Suddenly I was the German Qashoosh, the only German for sure at that time chanting his rhymes even if it was all but easy in the beginning due to the Arabic pronounciation. But the most important fact was the song keeping spread and with it the remembrance for a truly courageous Syrian living now through our voices. Ibrahim Qashoosh, we will never forget you.

Because of being simply impossible if not lethat to build publicly a serious opposition movement inside Syria - the existing so-called opposition groups are hired henchmen of the presidential mafia - under the lead of expats the Syrian National Congress SNC was formed mainly being busy with getting recognized by the global nations like their Libyan inspiration, the NTC, representing an alternative as transitional government after Assad‘s downfall. That was exactly the crucial argument of all the sceptics and fearmongers outside: what would happen politically after the toppling of the regime? Aren‘t there huge risks of an increasing chaos without a solid leadership? Burhan Ghalioun and the other SNC members argued wisely against that presenting a well thought and convincing political program. But the general mistrust of the civil population against officials as such is still big and it will become in common a challenging task for the self-claimed umbrella organization of the free Syrians to raise sympathy. They know, if they might fail they‘ll land in the same garbage bin like all failed professional politicians.

Nobody of us could predict or foresee that the violent crackdown measures of the regime became such excessive with the beginning of the Ramadan last year. Until then mainly on Fridays huge demonstrations took place after the traditional prayers. But during the month of fasting the protests started daily. The numbers of the martyrs became doubled, tripled, quadrupled. Still all our hopes were lying in the Western nations, the Arab neighbors, the United Nations, simply everyone being able to stop immediately the terror against unarmed civilians. Instead we only witnessed the classical escalation ladder of international diplomacy: clear words from the world leaders (,We are condemning in the strongest terms‘, ,Assad has lost his legitimacy as president‘, ,we will send a strong signal‘) imposing political and economical sanctions like travel bans for Syrian officials, freezing regime assets and the import of Syrian trade goods but not being able to realize successful actions ending the regime violence immediately. So the death accompanied further on the peaceful uprising.

In such moments the origin optimism and euphoria of the revolutionary moment become mixed with disappointment, exhaustion, frustration - and justified anger. The slogans of the first days demanding the end of the existing political era became stronger: The iconic ,ash7ab yureed isqat al-nizam‘ (the people demand the removal of the regime) became ,ash7ab yureed 3adam al-rais‘ (the people demand the execution of the president). Every pacifist nature getting scared by such strong words should consider that these regime forces don‘t carry their velvet gloves during the crackdown. What they‘re commiting is in simple words said planned mass murder, nothing else. It‘s very hard to imagine that a mother or a father whose child was shot like a stray dog by a sniper on the way from school or to the bakery tend to react in a forgiving mood. Saints, yes, or the few given an extraordinary huge part of forgiveness by nature, maybe, but we, the average people with our average emotions and expectations on life itself for sure not.

Besides Hama, the city where in 1982 one of the most horrible massacres took place and which became now famous for their breathtaking protests, also Homs, together with Aleppo the economical motor of the nation and very famous for the humor of its‘ inhabitants, turned more and more out as a revolutionary hotbed. Remembering the legendary videos where the Homsees presented eggplants as hand grenades or walking sticks as rifles to show the rest of the world that they‘re not defensing themselves with real arms against the security forces as the regime repeatedly claimed. They disproved the ,armed gangs‘-myth showing homemade catapults used to shoot potatoes and onions (raw, not cooked) above the roofs in the direction of the  regime troops and made us smile for those moments despite the cruelties of death, terror and destruction we were constantly facing. The only ones who couldn‘t really laugh about that were the regime representatives themselves. A massive offense of the army and the thugs, driven by revenge, was the result, whole neighborhoods were nearly completely destroyed and huge massacres took and still take place in the city not far away from the Lebanese border. Inshaat, Bab Sbaa, Al Khaldiye and Baba Amr are the mainly concerned districts looking more and more like Beirut in the 80‘s or today‘s Mogadishu. The people there are kind of caught inside, soldiers are keeping barriers and control posts between the different neighborhoods, hospitals became death traps for wounded protesters, the whole humanitarian situation is in the meantime far over the critical point.

With the first defections from Assad's military the Free Syrian Army FSA began to form under the command of Colonel Riad al-Asaad. More and more soldiers refused to open the fire on their unarmed fellowmen, a courageous decision because they're risking from that moment on getting immediately killed by their former comrades or the security forces. Mainly in Idleb and Homs the FSA tried to protect the civilians from attacks of the regime loyals and prevented more massacres. Of course Assad's favorite argument of 'armed gangs' might have become with the foundation of the FSA objectively regarded a certain justification but we have to consider that the defectors are people simply saying no to slavish obedience in the name of the origin military oath, to protect besides the nation most of all the own population instead of slaughtering them. The international community is until today not in a position to grant the civilians the needed shelter and the FSA soldiers are doing their best to grant that. Without their admirable engagement the security forces, the regime army and the shabee7a (ghosts) would have murdered up to now many more Syrians. The calls for arming and supporting logistically the FSA are becoming louder and I'm also pleading for that in the name of self-defence. Being still a defendor of non-violent tactics (yes, I've studied Gene Sharp's books as well as the ideas of the CANVAS center) I'm realist enough to perceive the natural line justifying armed counter measures: if the opponents' side not only refuses to lay down the guns but permanently is shooting and killing. Sorry, dear pacifist fundamentalists.

The autumn started with the next chapter of the political tragedy. The Arab League, often blamed as 'club of dictators', felt - also due to a pointer from Moscow - obliged to start an own mediating mission antagonizing the reproaches being too much inactive. But in comparison to the speed the League made decisions even an old ponderous steam train appeared as a tuned Transrapid. We all had the desastrous experiences of the Gulf Cooperation Council GCC in Yemen in our minds when Saleh blamed them however he wanted. So it wasn't a real surprise to witness more the deferrals of the decision-finding meetings than the results themselves while Assad and his henchmen were unimpressedly busy hunting the civilians all over the country. After a felt eternity - more precisely said: more than thousand murdered civilians later - the monitors' mission became reality under the command of the Sudanese general al-Dabi, a very dubious figure regarding topics like human rights and objectivity in reporting. The images we'd seen after the mission's start were indeed the expected utter mockery. Lousy prepared, more lousy equipped the orange vests were strolling through the streets, being self monitored by their guest hosts of the regime. All in all they reminded more on a company outing than on a fact finding mission. The uploaded Youtube videos (the official Adounia images were definitely senseless to watch if you're not addicted to unintended humor) showed emotionally gesticulating citizens trying to present the monitors places where explicit regime crimes had happened. Most of all al-Dabi appeared the whole time very absent and disinterested. While he used when asked about his impressions and estimations a regime-conform language the first mission members left the country reporting from the safe side about very disturbing ongoings in Syria relating to the regime policy. Not to forget the ominous explosions in Damascus straight at the beginning of the monitors' mission: smelling very strong after regime orchestration. This might sound pervert now but the whole uprising had became at this point thanks to the Assad bunch a kind of grotesque boulevard theatre.

And those suffering? The activists of the Local Coordination Comittes Syria LCCSy, the protesters, the civil population? In our modern informational society it would be to expect that regime wanted hollywoodisation might have put the fredom movement into a corner. But the brave protesting and freedom striving people have successfully avoided to step in that trap continuously fighting for their origin demands. And the international community itself - surprise, surprise - had voted during the last United Nations Security Council meeting on the topic Syria with 137:12 for an extended resolution the Arab League brought on the table. Among the dozen veto nations are two big players, Russia and China, indeed, able to block the majority with their stubbornness but otherwise it is finally a small victory of the good and fair cause. After all that time even this more symbolic result causes something like satisfaction. The most important is still to keep the focus on the people themselves inside Syria whose life and existence took always place under the Damocles sword since Hafez al-Assad took over the power almost half a centenary ago but today after beginning to overcome the wall of fear even a bit more.

Many have sacrificed their lives on the way to freedom and dignity since the uprising began. Their martyrdom is not a part of a statistic. Behind each one of them stands a personal story, a family and friends mourning over the loss of a beloved one. Almost every Syrian can tell about a relative or a good friend being murdered or getting detained by the regime. Thousands of political prisoners, many of them arrested since decades, are still waiting for their release or their liberation. There is a certain expression in Syria for those being detained: they are behind the sun. Todays‘ activists have also made their experiences during the arrest. Some had luck like the Blogger Razan Ghazzawi being in the meantime twice detained and released - the last one purposedly due to the circumstance that the online community raised during her detention enough global awareness. Others had less luck like Giath Mattar who became a tragic victim of the horrible torture machine: after the regime sadists had token out his organs his mutilated body was handed to his family. Like so many others he will never be forgotten.

There are so many stories worth telling here around the Syrian revolution but I‘ve decided only to mention those events having kept in my memory without detailed recherche or links to articles. As I said in the beginning the whole amount of occurences would fill for sure a whole book. But the revolution isn‘t finished yet. Assad is still residing in the presidential palace playing with a lot of chuzpe Mister Mou7amara (conspiracy). His mercenaries are still murdering civilians in the Syrian cities and villages. Putin‘s regime is still keeping their dirty buddies in power because of defiance and own interests warning loud and clear that the Western led coalition has to avoid intervention - even if it sounds like a bad double-standard joke because Assad‘s partner in crime Achmadinedschad can send his al-Quds brigades as a supportive measure without risking serious consequences. But the decision to continue the fight for freedom after a year full of martyrs and suffering is planted deeply in the hearts, the heads and the minds of many irrevocably. I believe they knew from the beginning that it wouldn‘t become easy. That the price for regaining freedom, dignity and justice might be high, very high in the extreme case. This revolution has also changed me. The first word I‘d learned in Arabic was 7orrieh (freedom). A creative nature with a heart for the weak ones became Mundass Almani, the German-rooted regime enemy. And I‘m carrying that title today full of pride. From all revolutionary slogans I‘ve learned during the last twelve months one has touched my heart in a special way:

,Al-mawt wa la al-mazale.‘ Better death than oppression.

For a long time I was searching in my memory where I had heard or read it before. Now I remember it. More than a year ago, short before the Arab Spring erupted. Over the entrance door of a mansion on the island of Sylt in the far north of Germany. There is stood in Frisian language:

,Lewwer duad üs slaav.‘ Better dead than being a slave.

The slogan of Northern Frisia. The slogan of the freedom striving Syrians. The slogan of all freedom seeking human beings in the world. And also my slogan.